Culture

New Survey Breaks Down America’s Complicated Landscape

by Dante Chinni and Ari Pinkus October 26, 2023

If you want to understand the complicated nature of the United States in 2023, ask Americans to define their country themselves. In the past year, the American Communities Project did just that. It visited four different counties and asked passersby to define 25 words, including America, and the responses showed a range of opinions.

It’s a “colonized country,” said a Native American woman in New Mexico. It’s “a lot of duplicity, a lot of dichotomy, but, at the end of the day, home,” said an African American radio host in Milwaukee. It’s the “land of the free because of the brave,” according to a veteran in Mississippi. It’s “a beautiful continent,” said a brewer in a Spanish accent in Ohio.

Those are very different interpretations of the United States, and depending on one’s perspective, each is valid. Furthermore, they just scratch the surface of the differences that define the United States. The media tends to explain the divides in United States in binary terms — red/blue, left/right, urban/rural. News stories discuss war between two conflicting “cultures” in the country. Sometimes included is a third option for “independents” or “centrists.” But look closer and the picture is far more complicated, marked by fault lines that can be hard to see.

The American Communities Project has just started to explore what those differences look like with a three-year project funded by the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation and today is releasing the first of three large public opinion surveys conducted with Ipsos. This survey of more than 5,000 Americans spread through the ACP’s 15 community types shows a deeply complicated landscape across the country on many issues — from gun ownership to race. But it also shows some areas of commonality and potential for common ground.

On the whole, three key points emerge in the data — centering in some way on dissonance.

  • Americans experience and perceive very different realities. The most pressing issues at the community level can vary greatly. And there is a perception-driven disconnect between big local and national issues. Inflation is seen as a top issue everywhere, but beyond that the numbers get very complicated. Some cite guns and gun violence. Others cite opioids and drug addiction. Taxes rate high in others. And, more broadly, there is a dissonance between national and local concerns that suggests many attitudes are driven more by perception than experience. Some issues that voters say are big ones nationally, such as immigration, don’t show up as big issues in any community.
  • Across communities, most people believe their lives are on the “right track,” but they are deeply concerned about the direction of the country. On the whole, people seem to feel good about their individual circumstances and pretty good about their community. But the views are much bleaker when the United States is the entity in question.
  • A series of statements about values reveal some broad areas of agreement — particularly around the economy and abortion. But others show wide disagreement. In total, there are nine statements in which every community type is in broad agreement (that is respondents in all types are either over or under the 50% mark). For instance, 50% or more in each community type say, “Obtaining an abortion should be a decision made by a woman in consultation with her doctor, without government’s involvement.” But 10 other statements show differences across ACP community types, some massive. “The right to own a firearm is central to what it means to be an American,” is one such statement.

The ACP will mine the data from this survey over the next year to explore the drivers of the nation’s socioeconomic and cultural fragmentation, but this first release lays bare how and why the nation often seems at odds with itself. Simply put, the many communities within the United States see and live in very different realities. Those varied subcultures have a massive impact on what people believe it means to be an American and where they think the country should be headed. The data explain why it’s not surprising that the nation appears deeply divided, but they also suggest there may be paths to bridging those divides.

Poll Methodology

This American Communities Project/Ipsos poll was conducted June 7-23, 2023, using Ipsos’ probability-based KnowledgePanel® and from June 12-23, 2023, and July 7-10, 2023, using an RDD telephone sample. The poll was conducted among a sample of 5,093 Americans aged 18 or older, with 4,493 surveys completed online and 600 interviews conducted via telephone. For the online portion, the survey was conducted using the probability-based Ipsos KnowledgePanel® and was fielded in both English and Spanish. The RDD Telephone portion was conducted in English in the Native American Lands and Aging Farmlands. The Native American Lands and Aging Farmlands were excluded from some questions because the RDD mode of questioning made the survey too long. The data were weighted to U.S. Census targets in each area segment and at the national level. A fuller methodology can be explored here: ACP Methodology Oct 2023.

A note about how to read these data

The ACP’s community types were created by collecting and analyzing 36 different data points across all the 3,100-plus counties in the United States. The result is 15 different kinds of community spread across the United States. Some are regionally clustered, and others are scattered. You can see all the types mapped and explained below.

(Click type names to see more on each.)

African American South: Places with large African American populations. Lower incomes and higher unemployment. Exurbs: Wealthy communities usually on the edge of metro areas, Largely white with lower crime rates. Military Posts: Located around military installations. Younger, middle-income, diverse communities.
Aging Farmlands: Sparsely populated and overwhelmingly white. Low unemployment, agricultural economy. Graying America: Places with large senior communities. Generally rural and less diverse, middle-income. Native American Lands: Places with large Native American populations. Young communities with lower incomes.
Big Cities: Counties holding the nation's largest cities. Dense and diverse. Hispanic Centers: Large Hispanic populations in mostly rural communities. Younger with lower incomes. Rural Middle America: Largely rural and white communities. Middle income and average educational attainment.
College Towns: Urban and rural communities that are home to campuses and college students. LDS Enclaves: Places dominated by Latter-day Saints adherents. Younger and middle-income. Urban Suburbs: Educated and densely populated communities around major metros. Racially and economically diverse.
Evangelical Hubs: Places with above-average numbers for evangelical adherents. Largely Southern with fewer college grads. Middle Suburbs: Middle-income, blue-collar communities mostly around metro areas. Working Class Country: Rural, blue-collar communities. Low incomes and college graduation rates.

But more important, the differences between these types are apparent in a wide range of data, from age and race/ethnicity to income and education. Those differences in demographic data often go a long way toward explaining the differences in attitudes we see in this survey work. In this report, we sometimes reference those broader socioeconomic differences in the data, but users can explore the divides themselves using the ACP’s Data Clearinghouse, where scores of data sets can be visualized.

What Matters to Americans

For years now, the American Communities Project has been visiting different cities and towns, asking residents what issues drive them, but this survey marks the first time we’ve been able to statistically sample views from all 15 community types. The results show much of what we thought we might see, but also offer some surprises.

The survey asked the question of people in all the ACP’s types in two ways. First, what are the “most important issues facing your local community?” And second, what are the “most important issues facing the country as a whole?”

On those questions, broad differences surface.

Inflation Tops the Local List, Then a Lot of Disagreement

While the data show that the ACP’s 15 types showed varied opinions, the one thing all community types rank highly as a concern is inflation. Out of 20 issue statements, “inflation or increasing costs” ranks first for every type in their “local community.” The LDS Enclaves rate inflation highest, with 66% citing the issue as among the most important, while the African American South is the lowest of the 15 types, at 43%.

The numbers show just how deeply inflation concerns run in the country. Some of the communities in the ACP have median household incomes high above the national average, but they, too, rate inflation as a top concern. Median household incomes in the Urban Suburbs and Exurbs, for instance, sit at about $87,000 and $80,000 respectively, but in both places, 50% or more cite inflation as one of the most important issues. Of course, another way of viewing that data point is those well-off communities are doing well on most other measures so, of course, inflation stands out. Still, the fact the number is so high across the board shows Americans from all walks of life have concerns about paying bills.

Beyond inflation, however, the “most important issue” picture at the community level gets a lot muddier.

In the African American South counties, “crime or gun violence” is tied with inflation as the top concern, with 43% citing it as one of the most important issues. The issue is also a big concern in the Big Cities, where 33% cite it. In the Evangelical Hubs, “opioid or drug addiction” scores much higher than in other communities, with 40% of respondents singling it out. That issue is also a big concern in Working Class Country counties, where 29% choose it. “Taxes” stand out in the Urban Suburbs and LDS Enclaves. “Homelessness” is a top issue in the Big Cities at 33%, but it barely moves the needle in Rural Middle America at 9%.

Those differences make it easier to understand how the nation can sometimes find it hard to unite behind a common issue agenda. Beyond inflation, the topics that motivate voters vary greatly.

At the National Level: Dissonance

When the “most important issue” question moves to the national level, however, a different point emerges — dissonance between national and local issues. Issues that show up on the national “most important” radar, don’t necessarily show up at the community level.

That’s not true for everything. Inflation, for instance, shows up as a big issue nationally and locally, and it scores higher as a local issue. But consider two topics that have gotten a lot of attention in the news in recent years, immigration and crime. When those issues are viewed through a national lens (“most important issues facing the country”), they score far higher than they do at the community level.

Only 11% of Americans see “immigration” as one of the most important issues facing their local community. And most of the ACP community types are within a few points of that national figure. The one exception is the Hispanic Centers, many concentrated near the border, where 21% cite immigration.

But when the question turns to issues facing the country, the immigration number jumps to 23%, and some of the numbers are much higher. In the Evangelical Hubs, 33% say immigration is one of the most important issues facing the country. In Working Class Country, 29% cite immigration. Those communities don’t see that problem on the ground where they live, indeed most communities don’t, but they believe it is a big problem nationally. That dissonance begs the question of what’s behind the perception that there is a national problem. How important is physical proximity? How important are news sources and consumption habits?

The same is true, albeit to a lesser extent, on “crime or gun violence.” As a community issue, 21% of Americans rate it as one of the “most important issues.” Again, the exceptions are the African American South and Big Cities, which see the issue as a bigger problem.

But as an issue facing the country “crime or gun violence” is nine points higher, with 30% of Americans saying it is an issue of national import. The figure jumps 14 percentage points in Rural Middle America, from 11% as a community issue to 25% as a national one. The number climbs 13 percentage points in the Exurbs, from 17% as a community issue to 30% as an issue for the country. The number jumps 12 percentage points in the blue-collar Middle Suburbs from 23% to 35%. In fact, the number of people concerned about crime as a national issue is higher than the figures for crime as a local community issue in every type except the African American South, where the number is essentially the same at the national and community levels.

It's especially strange to see that kind of local-national divide on crime. Crime tends to be experienced either personally or through friends and neighbors, but these data suggest the opposite. The concerns are lower at the community, experiential level and higher nationally. Again, the data suggest that news consumption habits may have something to do with this dissonance. If one is not experiencing crime as a major problem directly, the concerns about it are likely coming from an external source of information.

There are other local-national divides that make more sense. For instance, there is a wide divide on concerns about “political extremism and polarization.” Only 13% of those surveyed say they feel it is a serious issue in their community, while 26% say it is a serious issue nationally. But that’s to be expected. Each of these communities is, in its own way, a kind of bubble reality. The polarization would likely be seen by many as the difference between their community and others. And the local “important issue” number on polarization is lower in every community than the national “important issue” number.

Still, it is hard to ignore the differences in the way these communities see their local issue and national issue palettes. Taken together, the data suggests a disconnect between lived experience and perceived experience, possibly tied to media coverage and consumption. The ACP will explore this question with interviews of residents in our community types as we go out into the field. In addition, data the ACP has gathered from Comscore, the global media measurement and analytics company, will allow us to examine the biggest media outlets in our 15 types.

 

How Americans Are Feeling

Personally

No matter where they call home, most Americans say their lives are going well. Nationally, 87% of Americans report their lives are heading in the right direction; only 11% say they are on the wrong track. When examined for each of the ACP’s 15 types, the percentages of people who say their lives are moving in the right direction are within 3% above or below this national average. Evangelical Hubs, in the rural South and Midwest, and Rural Middle America, across the country’s upper tier, reach 90%. Small-town, traditional values infuse the low-income Evangelical Hubs and the less diverse communities of Rural Middle America.

A bit lower are Middle Suburbs at 84%. In these Upper Midwest counties ringing cities, globalization since the turn of the millennium has led to stagnation. In the past 10 years, these counties have seen a marked rise in deaths of despair from suicide and drugs. In Big Cities, where housing access and affordability have been challenging and crime has risen, the percentage who believe their lives are going in the right direction stands at 86%. In Working Class Country, concentrated in Appalachia and hit hard by opioid addictions, the percentage is also 86%. (This was not asked of individuals in the Aging Farmlands and Native American Lands. Read the survey’s full methodology: ACP Methodology Oct 2023.)

Community Well-Being

Nationally, a clear majority of Americans, 63%, say their communities are going in the right direction. This is especially true in the LDS Enclaves, where 79% hold this view. These middle-income, Mormon-heavy communities in Utah and Idaho are known for strong familial, social, and religious ties. Aging Farmlands, sparsely populated older agricultural communities in the Central and Great Plains, are the next highest at 68%. Interestingly, affluent Exurbs along cities’ outer reaches, and low-income Working Class Country in Appalachia both stand at the same 66% level, above the national average. Exurbs experienced an increase in the child population since the 2010 census, while Working Class Country is known for its local, tight-knit culture. Meanwhile, underinvested communities of color, the African American South and Native American Lands, sit below average at 57% and 52% respectively.

America on the Wrong Track

While Americans largely agree that their lives and their communities are heading in the right direction, they broadly express very negative views about the trajectory of the nation. Nationally, 79% of Americans say America as a whole is on the wrong track; just 18% say America is going in the right direction. When digging into the 15 community types, more divides open up. For example, in the Evangelical Hubs, 90% of residents say the country is on the wrong track. In two other rural community types with older populations — Rural Middle America and Working Class Country — the view is nearly as bleak with 86% of residents voicing this opinion. The figures are markedly better in two rural youth bastions — Native American Lands and Hispanic Centers — at 70% and 72% respectively. College Towns sit close to the national average, with 78% of residents saying the country is on the wrong track.

A Closer Look at Values

To better understand what the nation’s fault lines look like in 2023, the survey asked respondents whether they agree or disagree with 20 statements on a range of topics, from the state of the country to policy to cultural hot-button issues.

An interesting split emerges. There actually is broad agreement from all 15 community types around several statements, particularly those concerning the nation today. That’s a finding that suggests for all the deep divides in the United States, there may be some hope for common ground.

Where Individual Americans Fit In

What’s most heartening is that 70% of Americans agree that “Americans have a lot more in common with each other than is generally believed.” This is particularly true in LDS Enclaves, Aging Farmlands, and Native American Lands, more remote counties, where the range runs from 81% to 75%. At the other end of the spectrum are more diverse communities — the African American South, Hispanic Centers, and Big Cities — ranging from 60% to 63%, still holding the clear majority view. In these environments, residents may be more likely to interact with people of different backgrounds and values on a daily basis.

On a more somber note, a large majority of Americans, 70%, agree that “The United States is in decline.” Like the wrong track numbers, the percentages with the view of U.S. decline are highest in rural community types — Evangelical Hubs and Rural Middle America, at 83% and 80%. Smaller majorities in the Big Cities and Hispanic Centers, at 62% and 61%, feel this way. Homogeneous communities tend to have a more negative view of the United States as a whole. (This was not asked of residents in the Aging Farmlands and Native American Lands.)

Americans are largely divided on a key statement: “These days I feel like a stranger in my own country.” Nationally, 46% feel this way. But there is a real gulf among communities. In Evangelical Hubs, 60% residents say they feel like a stranger in their country, whereas in Hispanic Centers, where many are immigrants or first-generation Americans, 35% hold this view. Multicultural Big Cities and Urban Suburbs are in the upper-30s. More aligned with Evangelical Hubs are other homogeneous communities, Working Class Country and Rural Middle America, at 53% and 51% respectively. (This was not asked of residents in the Aging Farmlands and Native American Lands.)

The divide is similar on a related statement: “It is increasingly hard for someone like me to get ahead in America.” Overall, 44% of Americans agree. Evangelical Hubs are 10 points higher than the national figure, while Aging Farmlands, Urban Suburbs, and Hispanic Centers run between 37% and 39%. Perhaps this yawning gap stems from residents’ differing expectations. Competition for opportunities has long been fierce in the Urban Suburbs and Hispanic Centers.

There is more agreement that “Experts in this country don’t understand the lives of people like me.” Indeed, 59% of Americans agree with this view. However, the urban-rural divide comes into play here. Between 66% and 71% of residents in Evangelical Hubs, Working Class Country, and Native American Lands hold this view. People who live in urban-oriented areas are less likely to feel experts don’t understand them, perhaps because many experts and their families and friends live in these places. In the Big Cities, 49% of residents say experts don’t understand their lives while 52% in the Exurbs say so.

Agreement on a Broken System, Except on Structural Racism

Americans broadly and deeply agree that the country’s legacy institutions and systems are broken. The strain of populism runs deep across communities. Mainstream media outlets come out looking particularly bad: Overall, 75% of Americans agree that “The mainstream media is more interested in making money than telling the truth.” In three rural, close-knit community types — LDS Enclaves, Working Class Country, and Evangelical Hubs — more than 80% of residents share this bleak view. But Urban Suburbs and the African American South, two community types typically far apart and home to residents of vastly different backgrounds, the percentage is the same at 69%.

A majority of Americans, 69%, agree that “The economy is rigged to advantage the rich and powerful.” A diversity of communities representing a mix of younger and older residents of varying educational and income levels — College Towns, Big Cities, Graying America, Military Posts, and Working Class Country — reach percentages in the low 70s. In communities of color — the African American South, Hispanic Centers, and Native American Lands — long suffering from underinvestment and wealth inequities, the percentages are in the low to mid-60s.

The notion that “Traditional parties and politicians don’t care about people like me” is a sentiment shared by 68% of Americans. Close-knit Evangelical Hubs, LDS Enclaves, and Working Class Country stand out for agreeing with this view, ranging from 74% to 76% of residents. Smaller percentages in stratified Big Cities and Hispanic Centers say parties and politicians don’t care about people like them.

In contrast, Americans are largely split on whether “Racism is built into the American economy, government, and educational system.” Overall, 48% say they agree that racism is built into the system. Belief in structural racism is a more dominant view in racially and economically diverse communities and less prevalent in homogenous ones. The range runs from 58% in the African American South and Big Cities to 40% in the affluent Exurbs to 38% in the older, sparsely populated Aging Farmlands.

Culture

When the topic turns to cultural issues, such as guns or religion or race, wide disparities emerge, with some gaps as big as 30 or 40 percentage points on the agree-disagree scale.

And perhaps most surprising in the data, there is broad agreement on the question of abortion.

Unity on Abortion

The differences in the 15 community types in the ACP extend into economics, demographics, cultural traditions, and faiths. That’s why the survey results on the statement about abortion come as something of a surprise. In every community type, from the Big Cities to the Evangelical Hubs, 50% or more agree with the statement “Obtaining an abortion should be a decision made by a woman in consultation with her doctor, without the government’s involvement.”

Some of that may have to do with the way the question was phrased. Respondents often don’t like the idea of getting between a woman and her doctor on a medical issue. And to be clear, there are differences in the communities’ attitudes on the statement. In the Big Cities, 73% agree with the statement, while only 53% agree in the LDS Enclaves. But the fact that there’s solid agreement across the board suggests that even if abortion is a contentious issue, it is also one where Americans everywhere tend to side with women making their own choices without interference.

Divides on Firearms, Faith, Family, and More

In many ways, abortion is an outlier cultural issue. Most of the other statements in the survey show sharp disagreements between the communities. In fact, generally speaking, statements that touch on cultural hot-button issues stand out for their ability to divide. Statements involving faith, firearms, and family highlight the splits.

The biggest divides center on the statement “The right to own a firearm is central to what it means to be an American.” Overall, 49% of respondents agree with that statement. That’s close to an evenly divided country. But 73% agree with the statement in the Aging Farmlands and 71% in the Evangelical Hubs. Meanwhile, only 30% agree in the Big Cities and 34% in the Urban Suburbs. And in the African American South, which is largely rural, only 40% agree.

Religion shows deep differences as well. Nationally, 58% agree with the statement “Faith and religion are important parts of American life.” But in the Aging Farmlands and Evangelical Hubs, 70% or more agree with that statement. Only 47% agree in the Big Cities and Urban Suburbs. The College Towns and Exurbs both stand at 51%. Graying America counties sit at 52%.

What about the make-up of the nuclear family? Only 44% of Americans say they believe “Traditional structures for families, with a wage-earning father and home-making mother, best equips children to succeed.” But agree numbers are much higher in the Native American Lands, LDS Enclaves, and Evangelical Hubs, 59%, 55%, and 54% respectively. And below 40% in the Big Cities, College Towns, and Urban Suburbs.

And the survey shows big divides on the question of whether “People should be free to express their gender identity however is best for them.” Nationally, that number goes right down the middle — 50% agree with it. But 61% agree in the Big Cities, while 60% agree in the Urban Suburbs and Native American Lands. Only 32% agree in the Evangelical Hubs and 37% in Working Class Country.

Taken together, these numbers not only show divisions in the country they also show how those divisions can be complicated.

There is a clear urban-rural split on most points, but additional factors also appear when you look closer. Look at the African American South on guns and Graying America on religion, both rural community types with views that look closer to urban communities on those points. And consider the rural Native American Lands counties, which strongly favor traditional families (a conservative idea) while also believing expressing one’s gender identity is a personal decision (a more liberal position).

Even the liberal-conservative, red-blue lines are not all clear in these data. The liberal-leaning College Towns and more conservative Exurbs agree that faith and religion are less important to American life than the nation as a whole. And the largely conservative Graying America communities are more accepting of people expressing their gender identity in whatever way they want than the Democrat-leaning African American South counties.

While the survey shows there are clearly sharp differences on these cultural “wedge” issues, the differences don’t all follow the tidy, binary definitions the media tend to fall back on. The data suggest that there are many underlying factors — from backgrounds and history to lived experience — that lead these communities to more nuanced opinions on what are ultimately very complicated topics.

Policy Views

Several statements in the survey fall under the category of policy, “would” and “should” assertions that involve government actions. Those statements seem to show less division than others.

For instance, there’s strong disagreement among all types that “The U.S. government should cut social programs in order to lower taxes.” Overall, only 29% of Americans say they favor that idea. The highest number supporting this come from the Evangelical Hubs, where 38% say they agree with the statement. But in seven of the types, less than 30% say they support the idea. The Big Cities and Native American Lands are the lowest, with 24% agreeing, but even in conservative Graying America only 25% agree.

But that doesn’t necessarily mean big support for a more activist government, particularly where regulation is concerned. Nationally, only about one third of those surveyed say they believe “Government should take a more active role in policing private-sector misbehavior.” And the figure doesn’t even break 50% in the more Democrat-leaning communities. In the Big Cities and Urban Suburbs, only 45% say they agree with the statement. Those are the highest “agree” numbers on the question.

And the survey does not show big support for increasing immigration. Nationally, only 19% agree with the statement “America would be better off if we let in more immigrants.” The highest number agreeing with that statement comes from the College Towns, where 27% agree. But even in places that lean liberal, support for the statement is small. In the Big Cities, 26% agree. In the Urban Suburbs, it’s 23%. Notably, the Hispanic Centers are below the national figure at 17%.

The survey is more mixed on immigrants and employment. Nationally, 51% agree with the statement “When jobs are scarce, employers should prioritize hiring people of this country over immigrants.” Some communities strongly agree with that statement — 65% in the Evangelical Hubs and 60% in the Aging Farmlands, Native American Lands, and Working Class Country. The Hispanic Centers do stand out on this question. Only 39% in those communities, which tend to have large numbers of immigrants, agree with that statement, the lowest of any of the community types.

On the whole, the policy statements show more agreement on some of the big issues facing the country than might be expected, especially given the gridlocked state of government in Washington. The data might even suggest there is room to find common ground in Congress. It should be noted, however, that these are broad ideas, and, in policy, the devil is often in the details.

What’s Next

The data here represent only a fraction of the entire survey the ACP conducted with Ipsos. In the coming months we will release more of the findings from the poll. In the meantime, the Project will consult with our partners and then head out into the field to see how these results resonate in the real world and what residents of these communities make of them.

We are still in the beginning stages of this effort to understand American fragmentation, but this first survey and the work we have done visiting communities in the past show how complicated America’s landscape is. A few points are clear. People who live in different communities live in different realities framed by different economies, different populations, and different beliefs about what the country is and where it is going. It is not a simple binary split — urban/rural, young/old, red/blue. Truly understanding the underlying drivers and finding ways to overcome them or coexist with them is a process. This is just the beginning of that work.

Vol. 3 2020-2021

Deaths of Despair Across America

The American Communities Project is undertaking a 30-month study of Deaths of Despair in its 15 community types.

Learn More
Education

In All Kinds of Communities, a Growing Gender Gap in College Enrollment

by Dante Chinni July 05, 2023

Since 2000, the percentage of Americans with a bachelor’s degree has climbed almost 10 points, but the growth has not been even across the population. Over the past years a gender divide has developed around the issue, and over the last decade the percentage of women with a degree has surpassed the figure for men.

The numbers for current college enrollment indicate the gender gap is only going to grow and viewed through the lens of the American Communities Project’s 15 community types, the gap could become a chasm in much of the country.

To look at this issue, the ACP used the latest college enrollment figures from the Census American Community Survey. The data showed a 12-point gap between the number of women and the number of men in the college population — 56% female to 44% male.

But broken into the ACP types, some of the gaps were much bigger.

From Rural to Urban

Most notable in the ACP analysis are the rural, sparsely populated Aging Farmlands. In those counties, 62% of the college enrolled population was female, compared to just 38% male — a gap of 24 percentage points. But even in more urban communities with higher percentages of college degrees — the Urban Suburbs and Exurbs — the gaps are wide, 10 points and 12 points respectively.

That finding may be something of a surprise. While farming communities have long offered the option of good-paying, non-degree jobs, especially for men, lucrative jobs in suburban and exurban areas — office and management positions — often revolve around college degrees. In the future that may mean men are locked out of those positions, or that, perhaps, educational requirements for them may change. Some companies and state governments have already removed degree requirements from jobs.

In the Youth Bastions

When looking at the other types, the gap in College Towns, eight points, was smaller than the national figure, but still quite high. Those communities hold all sorts of college settings, big and public as well as smaller and private. They are home to many of the best-known schools in the country, and the eight-point gap suggests that the gender divide is not just about the differences at smaller less-known institutions.

The LDS Enclaves are noteworthy because the gap was smaller there than in any of the other ACP types. The tighter gender split may be because those communities tend to value education and are more traditional in terms of their gender roles.

Changing Social Norms

The larger takeaway from these data, however, concerns the future.

Historically, women have often wanted to marry men from the same or a higher socioeconomic stratum. Data already suggest that has gotten more difficult, but these numbers indicate that difficulty is only going to intensify, particularly in some of the ACP types.

If the trends outlined here continue, it seems likely that old social norm is in for a change, or there may be fewer marriages. When you see gaps of 20 percentage points, the laws of supply and demand seem likely to dictate change.

Political Implications

There also could be political impacts in the long term. In recent years political conservatives and Republicans have turned sour on college while the data show those with a college degree are increasingly likely to vote Democratic.

These data suggest that over the long term the divide along gender lines could widen across the United States, but particularly in rural communities where the gender-education gaps are especially wide. If that happens, the gender gap in elections could grow markedly in rural communities, impacting how candidates campaign and message in those places.

Vol. 3 2020-2021

Deaths of Despair Across America

The American Communities Project is undertaking a 30-month study of Deaths of Despair in its 15 community types.

Learn More
Economics

America’s Fragmented Economic Realities

by Ari Pinkus June 29, 2023

People often assess how American households are doing collectively by looking at two key socioeconomic metrics: median household income and child poverty. However, the picture is more fragmented as other figures come into view. Economic disparities show Americans living in very different daily realities, which can impact perceptions of their neighbors, their futures, and the nation at large. Visionary policies can help knit communities socially and economically.

Consider the differences in income inequality across the country. The national rate stood at 4.9, that is households with higher incomes had income 4.9 times that of households with lower incomes. The income inequality rate ran from 3.8 in the LDS Enclaves to 5.4 in the African American South. LDS Enclaves, full of adherents of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, are known for higher social cohesion, and the tech sector has gotten a footing in these parts. Generally, more homogenous communities had a lower score than heterogeneous ones, underscoring longstanding wealth disparities between races and ethnicities. In addition to communities of color, College Towns stood out for a rate of 4.9. These areas catch a wide swath of the population. While many residents may not have much, that’s likely to change as they mature.

Other community types scored better than national average by varying degrees. As described in the 2023 County Health Rankings & Roadmaps, “A higher inequality ratio indicates greater division between the top and bottom ends of the income spectrum.”

Other key socioeconomic markers at the community level widely strayed from their national numbers. While the national median household income sat at $69,717, according to the latest County Health Rankings, median incomes ranged as much as $45,500 by community type, from $87,692 in the Urban Suburbs to $42,212 in the African American South. In general, urban areas posted higher median household incomes. Southern communities as well as Native American Lands showed particularly low median household incomes.

Much can be attributed to the dominant industries in different kinds of places. Notwithstanding the rise in teleworking from anywhere, high-earning, white-collar professionals remain concentrated in urban-oriented areas: Big Cities, Urban Suburbs, and Exurbs. Overwhelmingly residents in the Aging Farmlands, Rural Middle America, and Working Class Country work in middle- and lower-income agricultural, manufacturing, or service sectors. Military Posts are filled with government employees. In communities with large numbers of people of color, racial and ethnic wealth disparities again come into play. Government administration is a key industry here, too.

Children in poverty, defined as the percentage of people under age 18 in poverty, mirrors these divides. The national rate stood at 17%. Child poverty rates were highest in the African American South and Native American Lands at 33% and 30%, respectively. Evangelical Hubs, Working Class Country, and Native American Lands all sat in the mid 20s. Poverty shows up in different challenges, including housing and food insecurity, and churches, nonprofits, and neighbors often help with basic needs. But even higher-income Urban Suburbs and Exurbs had child poverty rates ticking above 10%, according to the 2023 County Health Rankings. This contrasts with nearby Middle Suburbs, which sit at 17%. The divide may be because Middle Suburbs, once a bastion of union households, have suffered the effects of globalization and stagnation since the early 2000s.

A marker that moves toward a more aligned reality is the living wage, defined as the hourly wage needed to cover basic household expenses plus all relevant taxes for a household of one adult and two children. Living wage also splits by community type; but it’s much narrower between types. (No national figure is listed.) For the affluent Urban Suburbs just outside cities, it was $49.16. Big Cities were slightly below that at $48.21. Much of the Midwest and the West sat in the low 40-dollar range, with communities of color — Hispanic Centers, Native American Lands, and the African American South — as well as Working Class Country in Appalachia toward the lower end of the spectrum. Cost of living comes to less in these areas. In Evangelical Hubs, concentrated in the South, it took the least amount for a living wage, $38.43.

The Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, signed into law by President Biden in November 2021, is positioned to narrow the income gap for households and lift the socioeconomic conditions for communities. The law is expected to create hundreds of thousands of good manufacturing and construction jobs that pay decent wages and benefits. More than 18 months in, the administration has announced more than 32,000 projects in more than 4,500 communities in all 50 states, D.C., and U.S. territories, totaling more than $220 billion.

Vol. 3 2020-2021

Deaths of Despair Across America

The American Communities Project is undertaking a 30-month study of Deaths of Despair in its 15 community types.

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Education

Educational Attainment the American Way

by Ari Pinkus June 12, 2023

Educational attainment has emerged as one of America’s deepest demographic fissures, associated with the cultural, political, economic, and geographic divides Americans collide with daily. At the same time, the field of education is known for crossing chasms. As an example, Harvard University selected one of America’s most venerated actors, Tom Hanks, who’s not a college graduate, to deliver its 2023 commencement address this season. True to the occasion, Hanks stressed certain points of unity — Superman’s fight for “truth, justice, and the American way” was a common refrain.

Yet Hanks immediately noted how his educational experience differed from the students sitting before him. “On behalf of all of us who studied for two years at Chabot Community College in Hayward, California, two semesters at California State University, Sacramento, and for 45 years at the School of Hard Knocks earning a Bachelor of Arts degree in one damn thing after another, thank you,” he said.

In this regard, Hanks stands with the majority. Nationally, just 34% of Americans ages 25 or older have a four-year college degree. The numbers are very uneven around the country. The range runs from 42% in the affluent, multicultural, professional Urban Suburbs to 16% in the young, rural, and low-income Native American Lands.

In College Town counties, 38% have college degrees, just above the national average. These 171 counties, often located in and around more rural, settled areas, present a good example of varying educational levels colliding. After all, many are not yet college graduates. Others hold master’s, professional, and/or doctoral degrees. Still others outside the college structure may not have nor be on track toward a bachelor’s degree. It’s not uncommon for town-gown relations to be strained, even contentious at times.

Meanwhile, in Rural Middle America and Aging Farmlands, comprising 896 counties in the Plains and the country’s upper tier, many have derided college and are pushing for a broader educational focus on the trades. In each county type, just over 20% have college degrees. While bachelor’s degree percentages are lowest in Native American Lands, bachelor’s figures are also low in young, rural, Hispanic Centers in the West, Southwest, and Florida; Working Class Country, lower-income communities in Appalachia; and Evangelical Hubs, lower-income communities in the South with high numbers of Evangelical adherents.

Where There’s a Coalescing

More of America has some college experience as Hanks described in his address. Indeed, there’s widespread agreement that one’s educational attainment must go beyond 12th grade to compete and prosper in the 21st century. What post-secondary education should look like is not always clear, but harnessing opportunity and talent should be at the fore. Nationally, 67% of Americans have some college, which is defined as the percentage of adults ages 25-44 with some post-secondary education.

The community type breakdown shows at least 65% of residents in urban-oriented places, including Big Cities, Urban Suburbs, Exurbs, and Middle Suburbs, have some college experience. But nearly all rural areas, except the Evangelical Hubs, touch the 50% threshold. On this educational marker, College Towns, teeming with learners and strivers, stand at 71%.

Hanks, speaking to fellow learners, seemed to note education’s encompassing effect. “If we do the work, justice and the American way are within our grasp, no matter our gender, our faith, our station, our heritage or genetic makeup, the shade and hue of our flesh, or the continental birthplace of our ancestors.”

Vol. 3 2020-2021

Deaths of Despair Across America

The American Communities Project is undertaking a 30-month study of Deaths of Despair in its 15 community types.

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Politics

Where Democrats and Republicans Can Juice Their Bases in 2024

by Dante Chinni June 01, 2023

We’re not even halfway through 2023 and there is already talk of the 2024 presidential campaign, specifically how it could be a rerun of the 2020 contest between President Joe Biden and former President Donald Trump.

The 2020 campaign race stood out for a long list of reasons — from Covid-19 to false claims of a rigged vote by Trump — but massive voter turnout played a huge role in the results. The 2023 County Health Rankings & Roadmaps estimated that about 68% of eligible voters cast a ballot in 2020. That would be the highest number in several decades, according to data from the MIT Election and Data Science Lab.

But 68% is the national figure. The numbers varied considerably across the 15 American Communities Project types — from more than 74% in the Exurbs to about 54% in the Native American Lands.

You can examine those numbers yourself and compare them to others with the ACP’s new Data Clearinghouse tool using the Politics tab.

When you compare those turnout numbers with how those communities voted in 2020, you get a different view of the most pivotal places in the United States if we are indeed headed for a rerun race in 2024.

How Much Juice Is Left in the Trump Base?

Increasingly, American politics has become a game of bringing out one’s own voters. That wasn’t always the case. There was a time when centrist candidates would try to swing independents their way. But lately the mission has been to squeeze every drop of juice out of a party’s base. This was especially important to Donald Trump in 2020.

In 2020, six community types had eligible voter turnout numbers above that national average and five of them voted for Trump by double-digit margins: the Exurbs, Graying America, LDS Enclaves, Aging Farmlands, and Middle Suburbs. The only exception to the rule was the Urban Suburb type, where eligible voter turnout was close to 74% and where Joe Biden won handily.

There are a few ways of reading those numbers.

Considering how high the turnout is in those heavy Trump-voting communities, one reading could be that Trump has maximized his vote in them. There may not be a lot of juice left in those slices of the electorate.

But another reading could be that these places are full of die-hard Trump voters and maybe they could be inspired to turn out just a little more. There are a lot of Graying America and Middle Suburb counties in Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin, and in a close race, that might make a difference.

The Exurbs hold a lot of voters in Georgia and Arizona. They obviously turned out well in 2020, but if Trump could up their turnout by just a few more points that could make a big difference in those close states.

Room to Grow for Biden?

On the other end of the spectrum, there were nine community types where eligible voter turnout was below the national average, and four of them voted for Biden — Big Cities, College Towns, African American South, and Hispanic Centers — including three by fairly large margins.

Again, this could be viewed a few different ways. Biden wasn’t able to meet national turnout levels in those places which were very supportive of him, and that could spell trouble in 2024. Those county types tend to be full of younger and BIPOC voters, who are reliably Democratic.

But the other way of viewing the numbers is even a small bump-up in turnout could make a very big difference in key states. That’s especially true for the Big Cities.

More than 81 million people live in the 48 Big City counties. They produced more than 36 million votes in 2020, and they are in all the big swing states. Just a slight bump of 1 or 2 percentage points in turnout — up to the 2020 national average — could pay big dividends for the Democrats in 2024.

It’s a similar story in the College Towns. Those counties hold some 24 million people, the fourth highest among the ACP types, and their eligible voter turnout was about six points below the national average. A slight increase there would be big for Democrats, and it's worth noting those counties turned out big in states where abortion was on the ballot in 2022.

To be sure, Trump has room to grow in some of these under-performing types as well, but it might be harder to generate real impacts from them. Many, including the Evangelical Hubs, hold a much smaller number of votes, while others, such as Rural Middle America, already have relative higher turnout numbers.

There’s Still Juice in the Partisan Bases

Americans often tell pollsters they long for politicians who can “reach across the aisle” and “get things done.” But after four years, surveys suggest the nation may be headed toward another divisive presidential race. Trump leads by solid margins in most Republican Primary polls, and Biden seems destined to win the Democratic nomination again.

If we get that replay in 2024, keep an eye on these base votes. In a country with a shrunken political center, both candidates and parties will be looking to get every drop of juice from their bases — and the data suggest there is room to add more on both sides.

Vol. 3 2020-2021

Deaths of Despair Across America

The American Communities Project is undertaking a 30-month study of Deaths of Despair in its 15 community types.

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Diversity

What’s Behind the American Communities Project’s New Map and County Classifications

by Dante Chinni May 19, 2023

As the American Communities Project continues work on a $2.4 million grant from the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation to study division and fragmentation in the United States, we have reworked the typology that defines the ACP.

Collaborating with the Institute for Public Policy and Social Research at Michigan State University, we have resorted the nation’s 3,142 counties among our 15 types using the most updated data, the five-year American Community Survey from 2020. The new typology was guided by a cluster analysis, but hand edited for consistency with the prior clusters. The result is a map that looks familiar but is clearly different.

Some types, such as the African American South and Working Class Country, got smaller in their tally and became more refined as groups. Others, including the Aging Farmlands and Graying America, have more counties now than they had in the past iteration.

A number of factors are behind the changes in the map.

Some are due to the nation’s shifting population at the county level and other socioeconomic and demographic changes. The first iteration of the ACP map was done with Census data from 2011, and a lot can change in nine years, even after a decade of relatively slow growth.

In addition, the ACP used a slightly different analysis and a different source for the religion data in this new breakdown. This new cluster analysis used religious affiliation data from PRRI’s 2020 Census of American Religion, while the old one came from Association of Religion Data Archive tallies. Those new numbers likely had some impact on the sorting of the Evangelical Hub and LDS Enclave counties.

Even with those changes, though, some of the color patterns from the previous ACP map are visible.

Some community types are marked by broad swaths of counties, such as the purple of the Evangelical Hubs, the green of the African American South, and the aqua of Rural Middle America. The turquoise Hispanic Centers have a similar pattern in different areas. Others look more like dots on the map, such as the pink Big Cities, orange Urban Suburbs, and gold Exurbs. The same is true for the red College Towns or the light green Military Posts.

Exploring Data Differences

Along with that reworked map, the ACP has added a page within the website that allows users to examine the differences among the Project’s 15 community types across scores of data sets. With this new Data Clearinghouse, users can look at everything from income and education levels to HIV prevalence in each of the types.

Much of the data on the new page comes from the University of Wisconsin’s County Health Rankings & Roadmaps, but we plan to update it with more data sets as they become available, including the results of our upcoming public opinion surveys.

We feel this addition to the ACP site will help users develop a deeper understanding of just how varied the lived experiences are in the Project’s 15 community types. And we hope you will take the time to dive into this new tool and challenge your thoughts and assumptions about the complicated nature of life in the United States.

Very Different Lives

All the colors and patterns of the new ACP map are really about examining this bigger idea. These 15 community types represent very different kinds of places, full of people living in very different realities, demographically, economically, and culturally.

Looking at the most basic measure of diversity, racial and ethnic differences, shows how the 15 community types look and feel different.

Nationally, about 59% of Americans are white and non-Hispanic. But across the ACP types, the percentage of people in that population varies wildly. In the Aging Farmlands and Rural Middle America, 91% of the population in the median county is white and non-Hispanic. In the Urban Suburbs, the figure is 60%. In the Big Cities, the median county is only 46% white and non-Hispanic. In the Hispanic Centers, only 38% of residents in the median county identify as white and non-Hispanic. In the Native American Lands, the figure is 28%.

Those are massive differences, and they are bound to impact the way the community types see a range of issues — everything from affirmative action to immigration policy.

Median household income variances are immense as well.

The national median household income sits at about $69,700. But the figure is just $42,200 in the median African American South county. Meanwhile, the number sits at $87,700 in the median Urban Suburb. Those data points certainly suggest people living in very different economic worlds.

Even when it comes to participating in the democratic process, the communities look very different. Overall, 68% of the 18-or-older population voted in the 2020 presidential race. But in the different ACP community types, the number ranged from 74% in the median Exurb and Urban Suburb, down to 54% in the median Native American Lands county. Those numbers show how enthusiastic, or unenthusiastic, those communities were in an election that was viewed by many as crucial to the nation’s future.

Electoral Differences

The movement among the types doesn’t have massive effects on the political leanings of each. But some types became more politically homogenous.

The African American South counties tend to have higher African American populations in the new breakdown and lean more solidly Democratic — Hillary Clinton won them by 9 points in 2016, and Joe Biden won them by 10 in 2020. The College Towns are also more solidly Democratic in the new ACP typology, and the biggest factor in any swing seems to be turnout. Clinton won them by only 5 points in 2016, but Biden grew the margin to 10 points in 2020. The Evangelical Hubs and Aging Farmlands both look more solidly Republican than they did before. Trump won them by 59 and 60 points respectively in 2020.

The Hispanic Centers are slightly more Democratic in the new typology. Clinton won them in 2016 and Biden took them in 2020. But there are signs of Republican gains in these communities. In 2020, Biden won them by less than Clinton did four years earlier.

And the uncertainty about former president Donald Trump in the Exurbs, those wealthy college-educated Republican enclaves, is just as pronounced in the new breakdown as it was in the old typology. Trump won them by 16 percentage points in 2016, but by only 11 points in 2020. That roughly mirrors the 6-point drop in the Exurbs in the previous typology.

In the coming months and years, this map will guide the ACP’s work to better understand the forces behind the nation’s economic, cultural, and political fragmentation — and to explore ways to close some of the divides.

Vol. 3 2020-2021

Deaths of Despair Across America

The American Communities Project is undertaking a 30-month study of Deaths of Despair in its 15 community types.

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Culture

A Nation of Giving

by Ari Pinkus April 12, 2023

A majority of American adults give contributions to various causes, according to the MRI-Simmons consumer survey from fall 2021. Overall, 51% of Americans personally contributed to an organization in the previous 12 months from when they participated in the survey. (Surveys were completed between September 2019 and August 2021.) More than a quarter of Americans, 26%, said they gave to a religious entity, standing out among the choices. The others were much below that figure. On average,

  • 10% gave to a political cause,
  • 10% to social services,
  • 10% to another nonreligious organization,
  • 9% to an educational cause,
  • 8% to a health cause,
  • 6% to an environmental entity,
  • 6% to PBS (Public Broadcasting Service), and
  • 5% to an arts/cultural cause.

Breakdown by Community Type

A mix of homogenous and diverse rural communities were more likely than average to have contributed to a religious organization: the middle-income Aging Farmlands as well as the lower-income African American South, Working Class Country, and Evangelical Hubs. Based in the South, Appalachia, and the Plains states, these communities are known for the integration of religion into daily life.

These same communities were less likely than average to have donated to a political entity while Urban Suburbs and LDS Enclaves were more likely to have contributed. Diverse, upper-middle-income Urban Suburbs are filled with working professionals with more disposable income for such contributions. These communities ringing cities have become Democratic bastions, and many residents have been politically fired up in the past several years.

In the middle-income LDS Enclaves, with large numbers of Mormon adherents, there’s a widespread spirit of citizenship that may be demonstrated through donating to political groups. On its website, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints says it “does not endorse, promote or oppose political parties, candidates or platforms.” At the same time, “The Church does encourage its members to play a role as responsible citizens in their communities, including becoming informed about issues and voting in elections.”

Social services was another category of note. Residents in the Middle Suburbs, Urban Suburbs, and Exurbs were more likely than average to have contributed to a social service organization in the previous 12 months. These organizations have been stretched particularly thin in the suburbs with the pandemic and the growing need among residents.

Dollars Given

When it comes to the amount given, 18% of Americans said they gave $500 or more in the past 12 months. That was the highest rate among the options. On average,

  • 10% gave between $100 and $249,
  • 8% gave less than $50,
  • 7% gave between $50 and $99, and
  • 6% gave between $250 and $499.

When breaking it down by community type, LDS Enclaves and upper-middle-income Exurbs as well as Aging Farmlands and Graying America, with sizable senior populations who may be thinking about their legacy as well as their taxes, said they were more likely than average to have given upwards of $500 in the previous 12 months. Hispanic Centers, with more young people, and stratified Big Cities came in below average. However, most communities were near the 100 average index score for this level of contribution, conveying a kind of geographic unity on giving patterns.

Vol. 3 2020-2021

Deaths of Despair Across America

The American Communities Project is undertaking a 30-month study of Deaths of Despair in its 15 community types.

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Culture

Online Survey: Listening to the Nation

by American Communities Project March 23, 2023

As we work on our project to understand divisions and opportunities to come together in American communities, we invite you to share your thoughts on 25 common and important terms that help define the nation in this SurveyMonkey survey. Please feel free to share the link with your networks: https://www.surveymonkey.com/r/LJLXH9H.

We’ll be writing about the findings in the months ahead. Thank you for your participation!

Vol. 3 2020-2021

Deaths of Despair Across America

The American Communities Project is undertaking a 30-month study of Deaths of Despair in its 15 community types.

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Culture

Who Owns a Passport in America?

by Dante Chinni March 19, 2023

This spring marks the three-year anniversary of the Covid-19 lockdowns, and with the virus increasingly in the rearview mirror, at least for most people, international travel is up. The World Tourism Organization estimates that tourism will be back to pre-pandemic levels this year in some areas.

But across the communities that the ACP measures, there will almost certainly be different reactions to the return of international travel because the most basic part of leaving the country — owning a valid passport — looks very different across the 15 community types.

Nationally, 56% of American adults own a valid passport, according to consumer survey data from MRI-Simmons. But a close look at the numbers through the prism of the ACP, suggests a complicated set of issues behind which communities are more or less likely to own a passport and why.

At the highest level, the numbers show a pretty clear urban-rural divide. The three types with the highest percentage of adults with a valid passport are the Urban Suburbs at 64%, the Big Cities at 62%, and the Exurbs at 58%.

Those are the only community types above the national figure of 56%. They are all also above the national average for bachelor’s degrees (a data point that matters on travel), they tend to have lots of high-income households, and they also tend to be near major airports. In other words, it makes sense that they are all above the national average for passports.

On the other end, there are two community types where less than 40% of the adult population has a passport: the African American South at 39% and the Evangelical Hubs at 38%. The opposite tends to be true for those counties. The communities that are largely based in the rural South tend to have lower incomes and fewer bachelor’s degrees.

But there are some outliers in the numbers.

For instance, the Middle Suburbs tend to be fairly urban and located near transportation hubs, but their passport numbers are slightly below the national figure at 53%. Some of that may be due to other factors such as lower incomes and fewer college degrees.

The Military Posts may come as a surprise. At 48%, the community type is among the lower numbers here — and that’s in a community full of people who are often required to travel the world. But remember, not everyone travels in those communities. Even in military families when soldiers are sent abroad, someone often needs to stay home with the children. And when soldiers come home from a deployment, they may not be eager to head overseas again.

The Hispanic Centers have relatively high numbers of people with passports. They are three points below the national average at 53%, but the fifth highest among the 15 types and higher than one might imagine they’d be considering their lower incomes and college degrees and often their more rural nature.

But those communities also have large populations that have reason to travel — newer immigrants who have family and friends back in their home countries. While international travel is a luxury in some community types, in the Hispanic Centers it is more likely to be seen as part of life.

Most surprising here may be the relatively high number of adults with passports in the LDS Enclaves. At 56%, the number is the fourth highest in the ACP and even with the national average. The Enclaves have roughly the same median household income as the Middle Suburbs. They have a few more college graduates than the Middle Burbs, but they also tend to be far more rural and farther from major airports.

One big factor is likely the tradition within the Mormon religion for missionary work. Young LDS men are strongly encouraged to participate in missionary service and those trips may help build bonds in other countries and an affinity for foreign travel that lasts beyond their youth.

Vol. 3 2020-2021

Deaths of Despair Across America

The American Communities Project is undertaking a 30-month study of Deaths of Despair in its 15 community types.

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Diversity

ACP Begins Work With NASA, University of Maryland

by Dante Chinni February 22, 2023

The community types of the American Communities Project were created by analyzing demographic data — items including age, race, income, and education — but the counties themselves are geographic entities and those physical locations matter. Some places are arid, some are rainy. Some are flat and largely empty, tailor-made for agriculture, others face unique environmental challenges.

To explore how those physical realities tie into demographic and cultural differences, the ACP is working with the University of Maryland’s (UMD) Department of Geographical Sciences on a grant from NASA’s Earth Science Applications: Equity and Environmental Justice program to examine how experiences of environmental distress over time interact with other socioeconomic challenges on tribal lands. The ACP/UMD team aims to identify how environmental justice (EJ) issues may contribute to social distress and premature mortality in American communities. The focus for the work will be Native American Lands communities in Montana.

The effort, which is being led by Dr. Julie Silva from the University of Maryland, springs from work the ACP did on Deaths of Despair and, in particular, that phenomenon in Native American Lands communities in Montana.

The economists Anne Case and Angus Deaton coined the term “deaths of despair” to refer to premature mortality caused by suicide, alcohol, and drug use in America. They found these deaths to be steadily increasing since 1999 among middle-aged White Americans without a college degree, a stark contrast to declining mortality rates among Black and Hispanic Americans. But the ACP’s analysis of the data showed Native American communities in particular faced much higher than average Deaths of Despair since the epidemic grew in the 2000s. The chart below shows the Deaths of Despair across the community types in Montana from 1999–2018

With the new grant, the ACP and Silva’s team will combine publicly available Earth Science information (ESI) — environmental data from equipment such as remote sensors — with the socioeconomic data the ACP has gathered to find areas where environmental hardship may contribute to (and result from) forms of socioeconomic distress that are linked to Deaths of Despair in Native American Lands counties.

Those counties, in particular, are places where the ties between community, identity, and the natural environment are especially strong and where environmental justice challenges are many. However, as in other research on American Deaths of Despair, no environmental data was used in the ACP analysis, an omission the project aims to address.

The group will merge the environmental and socioeconomic data, looking for correlations and building visualizations to show potential impacts and areas needing further study. They will also compare the patterns and dynamics observed within and between Native American Lands as well as with other community types in the ACP typology.

The team will then go further, taking what they learn from that analysis out into the field in Native American Lands counties in Montana to see what those data look like in the real world and how the communities are addressing the challenges they face.

The project will further NASA’s goal to advance EJ in underserved American communities through the use of publicly available ESI by 1) enhancing existing methodologies to document environmental inequities and their impacts on human well-being and; 2) developing new insights into the dynamic intersections between EJ challenges and socioeconomic struggles. Collaborative efforts between social and Earth scientists and ACP journalists with an expertise in relaying complex information to non-technical audiences will enable the research team to communicate project findings to the general public. In addition to being published in academic journals, the project’s findings will appear on the ACP website as well as other outlets affiliated with project partners.

Vol. 3 2020-2021

Deaths of Despair Across America

The American Communities Project is undertaking a 30-month study of Deaths of Despair in its 15 community types.

Learn More