Politics

Despite National Focus on America’s Divisions, One Thing Unites Communities: Populism

by Dante Chinni February 23, 2026

It’s easy to look at national headlines, and the stories under them, and see a hopeless blue/red political chasm. But that isn’t completely true.

A close look at survey data from the American Communities Project shows there are some issue areas that seem to unite the right and the left as the nation hurtles through a midterm year, and the force behind them seems clear: anti-establishment populism.

Distrust of elites and “the powers that be” has become a defining part of the MAGA movement that supports President Donald Trump. But ACP survey data indicate that on a range of issues — from the media to the government to big business — distrust reigns supreme in all kinds of communities, from liberal-leaning Big Cities to conservative Aging Farmlands.

That finding doesn’t mean the nation’s deep divisions have disappeared in the ACP’s survey data, particularly around race, culture, and religion. But the survey at least suggests there are some topics and issue frames that can unite voters rather than divide them.

And the way those sets of issues are deployed and who deploys them in 2026 may reveal a lot about the upcoming midterm campaigns.

Defining Unity and Division

In 2025 (and in 2023 and 2024), the American Communities Project gave respondents a list of statements and asked if they agreed or disagreed with them. The statements touched on a host of topics, from abortion to faith to immigration.

For this purpose, the ACP then grouped the responses into two categories.

  • Uniting statements: Those where every community type was on the same side of the 50% agree mark, and where the difference between the types was 15 percentage points or less.
  • Dividing statements: Those where communities sat on different sides of the 50% agree mark, and where the difference between types was 20 percentage points or greater.

The breakdown of those statements provides an issue map for understanding where common ground does and does not exist in the United States.

The Unifiers

The chart below shows the five statements that qualify as unifiers under this breakdown, and you’ll notice a clear pattern to most of them.

Three of the statements focus on distrust of the media, traditional political parties, and the broader economy. In every one of the ACP’s 15 community types, solidly more than 50% said they distrust or don’t believe in those institutions.

It’s hard to overstate how different the ACP types are on a whole list of areas — racial and ethnic diversity, household income, educational attainment, population density. So the widespread agreement on these institutional issues is notable.

Americans’ common anti-establishment views may explain the current, unsettled, back-and-forth nature of American politics. When all these different kinds of communities — economic winners and losers — are unhappy with the powers that be, politics can vacillate. The “other” option that is not in power seems to be better, whatever that option is.

But note that the one statement with the most consistent agreement is: “The U.S. government should cut social programs in order to lower taxes.” Here there was only a 9-point difference across all the types.

Even the highest agreement for that statement was only at 29%. And this percentage came from Rural Middle America and Working Class Country, two largely rural, conservative types.

This finding at least suggests that even with all the distrust in the electorate, there is concern that the government needs to be involved in helping those who need help. And it’s worth noting that this finding has been consistent over multiple ACP surveys since 2023. It surprised us to the point that we traveled to a conservative Graying America community in Florida in 2024 and held a roundtable discussion on the topic.

There is also surprising agreement on the idea that Americans have “more in common with each other than is generally believed” across all community types.

Considering the state of political discourse in 2026, those last two uniting statements seem to be evidence of a hopeful defiance lurking in the electorate.

The Dividers

But working against that perspective is the list of issues that divides the communities of the ACP — under the well-known lines of race, religion, and culture.

Such statements yield some stark differences:

  • a 34-point divide on faith and religion as important parts of American life;
  • a 26-point difference on racism as part of the American system; and
  • a 27-point gap on the U.S. doing more to “level the playing field” for some racial and ethnic groups.

In some ways, these divides are less interesting because they follow well-known patterns.

The left-leaning Big Cities are more likely to agree that racism is deeply ingrained in the nation’s institutions and that there’s a need to address inequities. The young and liberal College Towns are the most likely to say the United States is in decline.

Meanwhile, the deeply conservative Aging Farmlands are the most likely to see faith and religion as important to the nation. And the right-leaning Evangelical Hubs are the most likely to think that people “of this country” should be hired over immigrants when jobs are scarce.

Reaching Voters in 2026 and Beyond

So, if there are issues that can unite voters, or at least issues that resonate with voters in all the different kinds of communities the ACP studies, why aren’t they a bigger part of politics? Where are the unity campaigns?

Part of the answer is that divisive issues fire up base voters and, depending on where one is campaigning, these issues can bring out more voters than they turn off. That may be doubly true in a midterm year, where the inherent question before voters is: “What do you think of this administration so far?”

But keep an eye on the uniting populist issues this year. The data suggest that the public, across all different kinds of places, is hungry for the right kind of anti-establishment voice — perhaps one that wants to take a sledgehammer to the system and remodel, rather than use a blowtorch to burn everything down.

That’s probably a discussion more suited for the 2028 presidential race, but the seeds are there now.

Vol. 3 2020-2021

Deaths of Despair Across America

The American Communities Project is undertaking a 30-month study of Deaths of Despair in its 15 community types.

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Media

As Journalists Are in the Crosshairs, What Do People Know About Who They Are and What They Do?

by Dante Chinni February 11, 2026

There is almost always an adversarial relationship between the White House and the news media, but tensions have ratcheted up under the Trump administration — from requiring special rules for news organizations in the Pentagon to the recent arrests of two journalists covering a protest in a church in Minneapolis.

As the debates heat up over the First Amendment, media organizations face a special set of challenges with the public, according to the American Communities Project/Ipsos surveys.

  • First, very few Americans say they actually know a working journalist. Journalists ranked at the bottom of a long list of professionals and/or groups that people know well.
  • Second, most people believe the mainstream media are more interested in “making money than telling the truth.”

These two findings, which may be connected, were true across all 15 community types in the American Communities Project.

Ultimately, those attitudes matter because the fights between the administration and the press seem likely to intensify, and as they do, journalists may find it harder to garner support for their work in the court of public opinion. The data show trust in the media is at a low, something the ACP wrote about late last year.

Who Knows a Journalist?

In 2024, the American Communities Project wanted a better sense of what people’s social groups looked like across the 15 community types. Our survey asked, “Do you have immediate family members or close friends who are…” and offered a long list of possible answers, everything from “immigrants” to “scientists” to “journalists.”

The number for journalists came in far below every other group named.

“Journalist or someone who works for a news organization” garnered a remarkably low 7% in the national figures, coming in 10 percentage points below the next group, “elected officials or someone who works in the government.” Journalists also came in below “scientists” at 23% and “people who live in another country” at 33%.

It’s noteworthy that some groups scored as high as they did, such as “immigrants” at 38%, “LGBTQ+ people” at 49%, and “member of a different racial/ethnic group than your own” at 61%.

At the community-type level, the numbers don’t look any better. Journalists scored lower than every other group in every type.

There are a few notable differences at the community level. For instance, the percentage who said they knew a journalist sat at 15% in the Aging Farmlands and 10% in the Native American Lands. But that may be because those communities are sparsely populated and generally more tight-knit. The local newspaper or radio reporter might be someone people run into at the grocery store.

Across the other types, most numbers were below the national average. The number was just above average, 8%, in the Big Cities and Urban Suburbs. However, on the whole, those are very low numbers.

The Impacts

What that means for most Americans is journalism probably feels pretty foreign to them. There are few talks at the dinner table or at the coffee shop about how the job is done or why a story was handled the way it was.

For a lot of Americans in all different kinds of communities, journalists are kind of an abstraction, a person people see on TV or a byline they read somewhere or a voice they hear on the radio. It makes it harder for the public to see journalists as people just doing a job — and makes it harder for them to understand the job journalists do.

Some of this is almost certainly due to the collapse of local journalism and the closure of local newspapers around the country. The Rebuild Local News coalition estimates that the number of local journalists in the United States has dropped by more than 75% since 2002. In Pittsburgh, the Post-Gazette is set to cease operations in May. And in Washington D.C., the Post just announced layoffs of more than 300 journalists, about one-third of its staff.

Being disconnected from local journalists and local news may have been a driver behind another big point in the ACP survey data, a lack of trust in the media.

Less Concerned with Truth Than Money

In 2023 and 2025, the ACP surveys offered people a list of statements with which to agree or disagree. In both years, the statement with the highest “agree” number was: “The mainstream media are more interested in making money than telling the truth.” Nationally, 75% percent agreed with that statement in 2023, and 73% agreed in 2025.

At the local level, some community types were lower, but the number who agreed never dropped below 60% anywhere. And the agree number climbed into the 80s in some places.

The numbers are relatively stable between the two years, with a few exceptions. The Military Posts saw a 10-point drop in the percentage of people saying they agreed in 2025 compared with 2023. In the Evangelical Hubs, there was a 7-point drop. It’s hard to know for certain what’s behind those drops without more reporting, but both communities were supporters of President Trump in the 2024 election.

It’s worth noting, however, that the community types of the ACP are tuned into very different media ecosystems. So the extent to which people agree on this point is somewhat surprising.

It’s possible that people in different communities have different outlets in mind when they hear the words “mainstream media.” It’s also possible that people in different kinds of communities disapprove of the “mainstream media” for different reasons — too hard on the president, too soft on the president, not enough reporting on the issues they care about.

Regardless, one thing seems clear in the data: There is a lot of distrust for the work the mainstream media are doing across the board — and not a lot of connections to the journalists doing the work.

In a tense world where quality news coverage is a necessity, that should be a deep concern for the nation’s big news organizations.

Vol. 3 2020-2021

Deaths of Despair Across America

The American Communities Project is undertaking a 30-month study of Deaths of Despair in its 15 community types.

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Politics

Why President Trump’s Approval Has Declined

by Dante Chinni February 04, 2026

As President Trump’s second term passed the one-year mark, a series of polls showed declines in his support — declines that were especially steep among some voter groups. A New York Times poll in particular showed Trump had lost all the gains he made with non-white voters, younger voters, and midterm voters.

While some were surprised by the size of the turnaround, especially among some voters, viewed through the lens of the American Communities Project, the drops aren’t surprising and probably could have been predicted in January 2025.

Because when one looks closer at the 2024 results through the eyes of the ACP’s 15 community types, it’s hard to ignore how much the vote was likely influenced by the impact of inflation and a surly electorate that wasn’t going to be soothed easily.

A Different Election

There haven’t been a lot of “normal” presidential elections in the last few cycles. Trump has changed politics in a lot of ways. Add in a pandemic, protests, and massive voter turnout, and you have a prescription for elections that feel unique.

The 2024 election looked especially different in the ACP.  Trump won what turned out to be a close race by about 2.3 million votes and 1.5 percentage points. But the Republican Party improved on its margins (from 2020) in every one of the 15 community types the ACP studies — even places that vote reliably Democratic.

How different is that? Look at the changes from 2016 to 2020 in the chart above. In 2020, Joe Biden won the White House pretty comfortably, by about 7 million votes and 4.5 percentage points — and still six of the 15 community types saw an improvement in their margins for Trump, the Republican.

That’s because, as we often note, the 15 community types in the ACP are very different places — demographically, geographically, economically, and culturally. Seeing movement in one direction in all of them is not very common.

When you see a shift like that in one election, it is likely because there is a special candidate — a person who unites the country and brings voters to his or her unique brand or personality — or special circumstance or issue that is so dominant it overrides the differences.

There are a lot of reasons to believe the latter was the driving force in 2024.

Consider Inflation

You can like President Trump or you can dislike him, but there is little doubt he is a divisive figure politically. He’s not the kind of politician who wins massive support across the board. In Gallup’s data, he has never broken 50% approval in either term.

And if you’re looking for an issue that united the country in 2024 (and 2023 and 2025 for that matter), it was inflation. The big surveys the ACP conducted in those years found that inflation was the No. 1 issue at the local and national levels in all 15 types.

Some political analysts talk about immigration as a decisive factor, but it was a distant second as the most important issue at the national level (and it was even lower in many communities). The issue of immigration barely registered locally.

And in 2025, the issue gap was the same: inflation, then everything else, nationally and locally.

In other words, the many different communities in the ACP were most concerned about inflation in 2023 and 2024. Candidate Donald Trump understood those concerns and talked a lot about them in 2024. He promised prices would come down when he was elected, which is a very difficult goal to accomplish.

In the end, the concerns among voters didn’t go away. Overall, prices did not go down. Inflation was still the top issue everywhere in the 2025 survey. And Trump shifted to talking down the idea of “affordability” (which essentially is inflation) as a “hoax.” That’s a tough line to sell when people don’t like how much they are spending at the supermarket or looking at their credit card statements every month.

Lessons In The Data?

When you look at the data that way, it’s hardly shocking Trump’s numbers have fallen. In fact, the drops look almost inevitable.

Candidates often the get the benefit of the doubt when they campaign. They aren’t making policy or the hard decisions of governing. They are making promises. And big promises can bring big belief — the kind of belief that leads every community type in the ACP to shift toward the challenger who is going to “make things better.” But if things don’t get better? Or they don’t get better as dramatically as people hope? Voters can shift — and fast.

Trump handling of the economy used to be his biggest strength in polling. Not anymore. Add in mixed feelings about how the administration is handling immigration and you get big drops in support.

There is a tendency to give elections and exit polls added weight in understanding the electorate. After all, it’s not just a poll, it’s real votes. (Women moved this much. Younger voters moved that much. Must be a trend.) But that’s often mistaken.

It’s often said that polls are a “snapshot in time.” That is true for election results as well. Elections are functions of time and place and candidates. The U.S. electorate is a deeply complicated animal. Sudden “dramatic shifts” among voters usually don’t mean much unless you see them repeatedly over time.

Vol. 3 2020-2021

Deaths of Despair Across America

The American Communities Project is undertaking a 30-month study of Deaths of Despair in its 15 community types.

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Diversity

How Views on Race Split American Communities

by Ari Pinkus January 27, 2026

Fifty years ago in February, President Gerald Ford observed Black History Month thus: “In the bicentennial year of our Independence, we can review with admiration the impressive contributions of black Americans to our national life and culture…. The last quarter-century has finally witnessed significant strides in the full integration of black people into every area of national life.”

On the cusp of the nation’s 250th anniversary, race remains a central fault line in American society that continually runs through public opinion polls. In the summer of 2023, the American Communities Project and Ipsos asked 5,000 survey respondents if they agreed or disagreed with the statement: “Racism is built into the American economy, government, and educational system.” Nearly half, 48%, said they agreed.

Two years later in the most recent poll by ACP/Ipsos, 47% of 5,000 respondents agreed. Nationally, these results are among the most discordant in our survey series, but they do not convey the full picture. Also, as with all polling, this shows a snapshot in a turbulent time.

Where Long-standing Republican-Leaning Communities Break

As the chart above shows, the degree to which residents in some Republican-stronghold communities viewed racism as an institutional problem in America dropped at least 6 points between 2023 and 2025.

  • In Working Class Country, 46% of residents felt racism was built into key American institutions in 2023, then dropped to 39% last year.
  • In Military Posts, the figure declined from 52% to 46% in the same time frame.
  • In Evangelical Hubs, it plunged 9 points, from 43% to 34%.

All three community types voted for President Trump in 2024 by large margins — Evangelical Hubs by 63%, Working Class Country by 47%, and Military Posts by 12%.

Swing Counties: Hispanic Centers

The trend was reversed in Hispanic Centers, which voted for Trump by 10% in 2024 but have felt the effects of his administration’s immigration crackdown as his second term goes on. In 2025, 53% of Hispanic Center residents agreed that racism is built into the American economy, government, and educational system. In 2023, the figure was 5 points lower, at 48%. (In 2020, Hispanic Centers voted for Democrat Joe Biden by 2%.)

Where Longtime Democrat-Leaning Communities Break

In the four Democrat-stalwart communities that voted for Kamala Harris in 2024, the views on racism mostly remained about the same over these two years, with movements of a few percentage points in either direction.

  • In 2023, 58% in Big Cities agreed that racism was an institutional problem, and in 2025, 60% said so.
  • In 2023, 54% in Urban Suburbs agreed; 52% said so in 2025.
  • In 2023, 55% in College Towns agreed; 54% said so in 2025.
  • The Democrat-leaning African American South saw a slightly larger shift — 58% initially agreed that racism was built into American institutions, whereas the number dropped to 52% in 2025.

Harris won Big Cities by 36%, Urban Suburbs by 13%, College Towns by 8%, and African American South communities by 5%.

Even the Playing Field?

While respondents are split on racism’s role in American institutions, not much appetite exists for government intervention to even the field. In the ACP/Ipsos 2025 survey, just 40% overall said: “The U.S. should do more to level the playing field for historically underrepresented groups.”

But the idea of doing more separated the community types by nearly 30 points, falling along familiar geographic and political lines. Only in Big Cities did the percentage surpass half the population. Hispanic Centers were about split at 49%. The African American South followed at 44%, the Urban Suburbs at 43%. Meanwhile, at the other end of the spectrum were rural, mostly white communities of varying means: Rural Middle America at 29%, Working Class Country at 29%, Evangelical Hubs at 33%, and LDS Enclaves at 35%.

The friction on this issue continues to churn upward and outward. On Jan. 20, 2025, President Trump signed the executive order “Ending Radical and Wasteful Government DEI Programs and Preferencing,” including cancelling diversity, equity, and inclusion initiatives across the federal government. Since then, Black employees have been disproportionately impacted by the thousands of job cuts to the federal government in 2025. In a January 2026 interview with The New York Times, Trump said in response to policies instituted after the Civil Rights Act: “White people were very badly treated, where they did extremely well and they were not invited to go into a university to college.”

It’s been more than two and a half years since the U.S. Supreme Court struck down affirmative action policies in college admissions. In October 2025, an Associated Press analysis found that “Black enrollment is waning at many elite colleges after affirmative action ban.”

To read individuals’ views of diversity programs, visit our November 2025 story: “Tailgate Talk Across America — On College Value, Diversity, and AI.”

Vol. 3 2020-2021

Deaths of Despair Across America

The American Communities Project is undertaking a 30-month study of Deaths of Despair in its 15 community types.

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Economics

Unemployment Continues Increasing Across America

by Dante Chinni January 13, 2026

Inflation dominated the consumer economic news for 2025, but the slow, steady rise in unemployment in the United States was simmering on the back burner. From January to November (the latest data available), the national unemployment rate climbed from 4% to 4.6%.

The American Communities Project also saw steady increases across all 15 community types in 2025. And county-level data from September (the latest available), showed the trend continuing with some communities seeing sharper increases.

The increases are not massive, and historically speaking, unemployment is still relatively low. That’s one reason alarms haven’t sounded. But increases have come across the board, and another year of similar bumps or larger ones would likely be felt in economic confidence indicators. These numbers are already concerning, largely due to lingering concerns about inflation.

Unemployment in the Community Types

On this site, we often note the large differences in the communities the ACP observes. It’s hard to overstate how the lived experiences and the economic realities can be so fundamentally dissimilar. Consider the densely-populated Big Cities and the rural Aging Farmlands. So, when we see consistent trends across all 15 community types, we take notice.

This latest unemployment data is an example of that consistency. We compared the unemployment rates in September 2025 and September 2024 in all the community types and found increases everywhere. (The comparison of the same month over a year is necessary because the data are not seasonally adjusted.)

Again, to be clear, these numbers are not huge. The September 2025 data ranged from 2.8% in the Aging Farmlands (where the rate is quite low) to 6.2% in the Hispanic Centers. But the fact that the numbers were higher in every community type in 2025, when there was not a recession underway, is noteworthy. It suggests a broad-based slowdown.

In addition, some of the different trends the ACP saw earlier in 2025 continue here.

The Urban Suburbs, places around major cities that tend to have higher incomes and more college degrees, saw a big jump in these year-over-year numbers. Their unemployment increase of .63 percentage points was the highest of any community type year-over-year. Usually, their higher socioeconomic standing insulates them from economic headwinds, but 2025 was an exception. The fact that the unemployment rate in the Urban Suburbs is almost even with the national rate is not common.

The increase in the Hispanic Centers, a jump of .59 points, may be tied to the nationwide immigration crackdown. Deportations along with fewer people shopping or on the street may mean drops in spending and hiring in those places.

If there is good news in these data, it may be in the African American South communities, where the unemployment rate ticked up by a slight .13 percentage points. Those communities often get hit hard when economic times get bumpy, but not in 2025.

We’ll see if those trends hold or even accelerate when we get the county-level unemployment data from November, which were delayed due to the government shutdown. The national figures showed an increase.

What’s the Forecast?

Simply put, these data don’t seem to follow a “normal” pattern and that makes 2026 harder to predict.

Why are the numbers in the Urban Suburbs climbing the way they are? Are the increases in tariffs to blame?

Considering the different economies in these places — some driven by agriculture, some by manufacturing, some by tech or trade or tourism — why is unemployment slowly climbing everywhere?

Could the expansion of artificial intelligence be to blame? There have been anecdotal accounts of businesses holding back on entry-level hiring due to the blossoming of AI.

These are questions the ACP will explore this year with different dips into data analysis and on-the-ground reporting.

Despite all the uncertainties around what’s happening in these data, the numbers may offer an answer to the larger question: Why are people nervous about the economy, as survey after survey has shown?

Yes, inflation remains a persistent problem, and we will all likely hear a lot about affordability this year, but other indicators look OK. The stock market is up. The nation’s GDP is climbing. There are reasons to not be glum.

However, it may be that the unsettled nature in these jobs data is being felt across the country in different ways — not as an economic cataclysm, but as broad economic insecurity. That is to say, people don’t understand why things aren’t better. And that makes them worry about what’s ahead.

Vol. 3 2020-2021

Deaths of Despair Across America

The American Communities Project is undertaking a 30-month study of Deaths of Despair in its 15 community types.

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Culture

Surprising Consistency on a Path to Citizenship for Long-Term Immigrants

by Dante Chinni January 06, 2026

Of all the Trump administration’s changes in the last year, those around immigration and immigration enforcement are probably the most immediately felt. Stories about arrests and detentions are all over national and local news outlets around the country.

The 2025 American Communities Project survey suggests there may be concerns about how far those new immigration policies are going.

On the survey, 59% of respondents said, “Immigrants who entered the U.S. illegally, but have been working community members for at least ten years, should be given a pathway to legal status.” In a country that feels deeply divided, that number is surprisingly high. And the response may fly in the face of the administration’s efforts to remove 1 million undocumented immigrants a year during Trump’s presidency.

The Migration Policy Institute estimates that there are 13.7 million undocumented immigrants in the United States, and 9.2 million of them have been here for 10 years or more. The Kino Border Initiative, a group established by six Catholic organizations, surveyed 278 deportees from May to June and found that 44% had lived in the United States for at least a decade.

Beyond that high 59% approval for a pathway to citizenship, however, was the surprising consistency of views across the ACP types.

Uncommon Agreement

The community types that define the ACP are a complicated mix of populations, economies, and lifestyles, but there was broad and deep agreement on the pathway-to-citizenship question. In all 15 community types, the percent who agreed that longtime residents should have a pathway to citizenship outperformed the number who disagreed by at least 18 percentage points.

(The Aging Farmlands and Native American Lands were not included on this question due to cost and time constraints.)

To be clear, there are still some sizable differences in that chart. Close to 70% in the Hispanic Centers, LDS Enclaves, and Big Cities said they agree with the statement. At the same time, only 49% in the Evangelical Hubs and Working Class Country counties said they agree. Still, the data show strong pluralities agreeing with a statement on one of the nation’s most divisive issues.

The nation’s partisan divide seems much less pronounced on this aspect as well. The statement drew large majority support in some of the communities that went heavily for Donald Trump in the 2024 presidential race — the Exurbs, Military Posts, and Rural Middle America. (Hispanic Centers and LDS Enclaves also voted for Trump.)

Different Environments

To be clear, immigration looks very different in the 15 American Community Project types. In some of them, 20% or more of the residents are foreign-born. In others, that figure sits at 3% or less.

The ACP often tries to understand different views at the community level by understanding their different “lived experiences” — what people see and feel in their daily lives. And there are signs that lived experiences are making a difference in the path-to-citizenship data.

The community types with the highest percentages of foreign-born people are also among the types that are the biggest supporters of a pathway. Look at the numbers for the Big Cities, Hispanic Centers, and Urban Suburbs. All have foreign-born populations that top 19%, and all have 60% or more residents saying they support a pathway to citizenship.

But that doesn’t tell the whole story here.

Hispanic Centers have the highest percentage supporting a pathway to citizenship (68%), and that may not be a surprise. But that 68% is tied with the LDS Enclaves, where only 8% of the population is foreign-born.

Meanwhile, College Towns and Exurbs look similar in their foreign-born populations (7.4% and 8.6% respectively), but there is a bigger gap on the question of a pathway to citizenship. In College Towns, 65% support a pathway to citizenship. In Exurbs, 57% do.

There are some reasons for all those data points. LDS Enclaves, for instance, have long been supportive of Hispanics who become LDS adherents. There are Mormon churches where Spanish is the primary language. And generally speaking, College Towns lean left politically and the views of immigrants are often shaped by foreign students who are very much a part of the university community.

Beyond Community Differences

If there is a broad takeaway from these data, it may be how people feel differently about immigrants who have been contributing members of local communities over time, regardless of how common or uncommon foreign-born residents are in those communities.

Much of the dialogue about immigrants focuses on how those incoming groups are different from the places they go — how they mean change and how change can be scary to any community. But these data suggest that attitude doesn’t apply to long-term immigrant residents, even in places that strongly supported President Trump in 2024.

If the administration continues to cast a wide net for undocumented immigrants, including immigrants who have been here for a long time, it may find public support for its immigration policies, which is already low, declining further.

Vol. 3 2020-2021

Deaths of Despair Across America

The American Communities Project is undertaking a 30-month study of Deaths of Despair in its 15 community types.

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Religion

Americans Identify With Religious Diversity, But They Divide Over Religion’s Role

by Ari Pinkus December 22, 2025

Even as millions gather to mark religious holidays in public and private spaces this month, the role of religion and faith in America remains a point of stark disagreement. In the latest ACP/Ipsos survey of 5,400 respondents, just over half (56%) said, “Religion and faith are important parts of American life.” But the variance at the community level ranged 34 points — and emphasized the country’s rural-urban divide on a signature sociocultural issue.

In very rural communities of moderate to low means, Aging Farmlands and Native American Lands, more than 75% of residents said religion and faith are important parts of American life. For Evangelical Hubs and Working Class Country, rural communities with lower-incomes based in the South, Midwest, and Appalachia, the figures were in the mid-60s. In middle-income rural communities in the country’s upper tier and interior West — Rural Middle America and LDS Enclaves — 59% of residents said religion/faith was important in American life. In African American South and Military Posts, known for their large Black populations, 57% and 52% of residents said so. On the opposite end of the spectrum were urban-oriented places: Big Cities, Urban Suburbs, and College Towns. Characterized by higher density, affluence, economic stratification, and many cultures, these communities were in the mid- to upper-40s.

Notwithstanding the divides over religion and faith in American life, attending religious services is not widely popular. Across communities, 4 in 10 said they attend religious services at least every few months. Graying America counties, where more than a quarter of residents are 65 and older, were the exception — 51% said they never attend services.

This push-pull over religion’s role at the individual and national levels was captured in journalism and research this past year, including:

Defined by Diversity

In America, religious/faith diversity appears as foundational as the right of religious freedom. Such diversity was underlined in the ACP/Ipsos survey conducted in August 2025. Respondents encompassed a multiplicity of religions as well as no religion. Nationally, Christianity in various forms was dominant, particularly Protestant denominations at 36% and Catholicism at 18%. But all the major religions as well as some smaller groups were represented. Nationally, a quarter said they were no religion. Unaffiliateds hit at least 30% in College Towns, Big Cities, and Graying America. (The full chart is too large to view below. Please visit this link.)

Those who identified as Protestant Christians, other Christians, other non-Christians, something else, or skipped the religion question were asked about being evangelical or born-again, and 56% identified this way. There was no clear urban and rural split. Percentages reached the mid- to upper-60s in the African American South, Working Class Country, and Evangelical Hubs, unsurprisingly. However, Big Cities mirrored the national average. Meanwhile, Urban Suburbs and Aging Farmlands — often apart in geography, density, diversity, educational attainment, and affluence — were both in the mid-40s.

Faith/Religious Similarities With People in Your Community

Survey respondents indicated an awareness of living among people who have different faith backgrounds and practices than their own. Asked whether they feel they have similar or different faith/religious practice than most people in their community, 49% said their practice was mostly similar, 29% said mostly different, and 22% didn’t know or skipped the question. Similarities were highest in the very sparsely populated, yet often close-knit Aging Farmlands and Native American Lands. In diverse communities — College Towns, Big Cities, Urban Suburbs, African American South, and Hispanic Centers — similarities in religious/faith practice fell below the national average. In most communities, percentages of people who didn’t know or skipped the question reached at least 20%.

 

Vol. 3 2020-2021

Deaths of Despair Across America

The American Communities Project is undertaking a 30-month study of Deaths of Despair in its 15 community types.

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Culture

What Do Americans Know About Trump 2.0? A Lot.

by Dante Chinni December 16, 2025

President Donald Trump is a deeply divisive political figure in the United States — loved by some, loathed by others — but American Communities Project’s 2025 survey made one point clear: He has the nation’s attention.

The ACP/Ipsos survey of more than 5,000 people asked five factual true/false questions mostly around the Trump administration’s policies and impacts, on everything from tariffs to immigration to the president’s “big beautiful bill.” And large numbers of people got the answers correct in all 15 community types we examine.

Reporting that Americans are aware of the president’s actions may sound obvious. He is the president, after all. But the 2025 results stand apart from those around a similar set of questions last year — the majority of which respondents answered incorrectly.

There were still notable differences between the communities on some questions in the 2025 survey, and people’s political leanings appear to play a role in some of the answers. Yet it’s hard to ignore how much people got right about many of the proposals and actions coming from the White House.

In a world where news and information tend to fly by, a lot of Americans seem to be well tuned into Trump’s second term.

Tariffs

It may not be a surprise that respondents were very aware that Trump imposed a lot of tariffs in the first year of his second term. Nationally, two-thirds of respondents correctly answered “true” to this statement, “The U.S. has implemented tariffs on nearly all countries.”

In addition, a clear majority in every one of the ACP’s community types gave the correct “true” response. (Note: All the charts in this post are shown on a scale of 0-100%, and the empty parts of the bars reflect those who did not answer the question or who skipped it.)

Such a consistent response is rare in the ACP typology. Many of these communities turn to different sources for their news, which often leads to different understandings of the actions of Washington and of reality itself.

That said, there are still some differences here. Nearly three-quarters of respondents in the Big Cities correctly said the statement on tariffs was true, while only 56% in the Military Posts did. But most communities were clumped together, with 60%-70% of people giving the correct response.

One note, the Aging Farmlands were on the high end of people giving the correct response (71%). That may be because they are feeling more pain than other places in the tariff fight. China’s cuts in purchases of American farm products have taken a toll on many in the Aging Farmlands.

Immigration

The survey also found that respondents largely knew that “U.S. citizens have been detained by ICE officials.” Nationally, 52% correctly said that statement was true, while only 21% said it was false. Across all 15 community types, at least a plurality gave the correct response.

Again, there were some notable differences across the types. In the Big Cities, 69% said the statement was true, while only 38% did in the Evangelical Hubs.

That’s a 31-point gap, and there many potential reasons for it. Of course, the Big Cities lean heavily Democratic, and Evangelical Hubs went big for Trump in 2024. But beyond that may be firsthand experience and knowledge. The Big Cities tend to have far more immigrant residents and witnessed a lot of ICE raids this year. The more rural Evangelical Hubs have far fewer foreign-born residents.

Regardless, the data here show there is a reasonable understanding of some of the undesired impacts of the nation’s immigration policies across all 15 community types.

The Big Beautiful Bill

The president’s big legislative accomplishment of 2025 was a complicated amalgam of ideas, programs, and dollars —  everything from tax cuts to boosts in defense and border patrol spending to changes on student loans. One would be hard pressed to find a voter who could identify even a third of the provisions in the legislation.

But some aspects of the bill did get through to the public. For instance, the survey showed that most Americans knew that the legislation “requires states to implement work requirements for both Medicaid and the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP).” Nationally, 56% said that statement was true, as did at least a plurality in every community type.

Only in the Hispanic Centers did less than half of the respondents correctly respond to the prompt — and just barely at 48%.

That’s an impressive showing of knowledge among Americans. And in this case, it may be aided by Democratic and Republican beliefs about such proposals and the president.

Left-leaning communities, such as the Big Cities and College Towns, tend to not like those work requirements, but also don’t like Trump and presumably believe that he does like the requirements. Right-leaning communities, such as the Evangelical Hubs and Exurbs, tend to favor such requirements and believe Trump does as well.

But when it came to the Big Beautiful Bill’s impact on the federal deficit, the picture got more complicated.

The survey stated, “The recently passed One Big Beautiful Bill Act (aka the big, beautiful bill), is projected to decrease the federal deficit by $4 trillion over 10 years.” That statement was false. The Congressional Budget Office projects the legislation will increase the deficit by $4 trillion in that time.

Nationally, more people knew the statement was false (32%) than believed it was true (23%). But at the community level that wasn’t the case.

In three communities (the Aging Farmlands, Native American Lands, and Working Class Country), more people said the statement was true than knew it was false. And in a fourth community (the Evangelical Hubs), equal numbers said both. Each of those four community types voted for Trump by large margins in 2024 — 15 percentage points or more.

That may be a sign of news consumption habits in those places. Some outlets that tend to be supportive of the president did not focus on the bill’s forecasted costs. Those communities may also be showing their partisan lean, wanting to believe the best about the president more broadly.

To be fair, however, many respondents did not answer this question. In many communities, 40% or more left the response blank or said they did not know.

Unemployment Rate

The responses on this statement, “The unemployment rate in the U.S. is at or near historic lows,” were perhaps the most complicated and interesting of all the true/false measures. The statement was true. In September, the national unemployment rate was 4.4%, which is near historic lows. But the question was complicated. Even though it was low, the number was higher than it was a few months earlier, which meant the rate might not have felt as low. And, of course, the unemployment rates across the different community types in the ACP can vary considerably. The ACP has noted some increases in unexpected places this year.

But the differences in what people believed about the unemployment rate were revealing.

Overall, there were large numbers of people who did not answer the question or who said they did not know. But among those that did answer, partisanship seemed to play a big role in the responses.

The communities where more people knew the statement about low unemployment was true, all voted for Trump in 2024: Evangelical Hubs, Graying America, LDS Enclaves, Middle Suburbs, and Working Class Country. But the responses weren’t just about partisanship. The communities where more people believed the statement was false were a mix of Trump and non-Trump voting communities.

Perhaps more telling, the communities with higher incomes and more college degrees tended to believe the statement was false: Big Cities, College Towns, Exurbs, and Urban Suburbs. It may be that those places, which tend to be on firmer economic ground, feel nervous the state of the economy. Economic attitudes in those communities, which are home to much of the nation’s population, could dictate a lot of economic sentiment in months ahead.

Takeaways

For the White House, there are some positive ways to read these numbers. In all 15 community types, the American people seem to be paying a lot of attention to the Trump presidency. He is driving the narrative.

The negative, however, is the flipside of that same point. The person in charge not only gets the credit when things go right but also takes the blame when things go wrong.

One year into his second term in office, President Trump is the main character in the American drama in the eyes of the nation. That’s the setting on the stage as 2025 winds down and the nation prepares for a year full of decisions, some big potential economic challenges, and the 2026 midterm elections.

Vol. 3 2020-2021

Deaths of Despair Across America

The American Communities Project is undertaking a 30-month study of Deaths of Despair in its 15 community types.

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Media

Americans Largely Not Supporting, Trusting, or Reading Traditional News

by Ari Pinkus December 11, 2025

The latest American Communities Project/Ipsos survey of 5,400 respondents continues to paint a very bleak picture of how Americans across geographies see the traditional news media in society and the role it plays in their daily lives.

Not Paying for News

In new items in the survey series, ACP/Ipsos found that paying for news is not at all popular regardless of where people live. The survey asked if they paid for a local news source, national news source, and content from individual creators. Some may pay for multiple sources. Overall, 15% nationally said they paid for a local news source in the last six months, while 10% said they paid for a national news source in the same time frame. Individual creators are breaking through the din and picking up subscribers. Nationally, 10% said they paid for content from individual creators in the last six months.

Paying for local news peaked in more urban-oriented environments, at 19% in Big Cities and Middle Suburbs. Notably, rural Evangelical Hubs, with lower incomes and education levels, also came in slightly above average at 18%. They are also home to many older residents who may be accustomed to paying for news content.

Paying for national news was also highest in densely populated places: Big Cities at 17%, Exurbs at 13%, and Urban Suburbs and Middle Suburbs at 12%.

In Aging Farmlands, 17% said they paid for a news source, such as a local or national newspaper or a website, in the past six months, while in Native American Lands, 18% said they did so.

Thinking Poorly of the Mainstream News Media

In addition to the affordability crisis and news deserts, the sentiment about the news business may be a key reason for a lack of financial support. Nationally, 73% agreed with the statement that “the mainstream media is more interested in making money than telling the truth.” This view was highest in middle- and low-income rural communities, at 81% in LDS Enclaves and Rural Middle America, and 80% in Working Class Country. Communities that felt slightly better about the media: Hispanic Centers at 67% and Military Posts at 66%. Military and Hispanic communities are known for their own niche media outlets.

Not Spending Much Time on News Websites

Other behaviors and feelings track with what we found in last year’s survey. In 2025, 39% said they spend no time or almost no time daily on an online news site. (In 2024, the figure was 40%.) Rural locales spent the least amount of time reading news online. In Rural Middle America, 47% said they spent no time or almost no time a day; in LDS Enclaves, it was 42%; in Working Class Country, it was 41%. Middle Suburbs and Exurbs were also at 41%.

Consuming News by Other Means

There’s a significant sense that people don’t need the news media to keep up with what’s happening. Nationally, 49% said, “I can be well-informed about local news and events even when I don’t actively follow the news.” (This figure was up from 44% in 2024.) Like last year, there was little deviance at the community level, except for very sparsely populated places. In Aging Farmlands, 72% agreed they could be well-informed about local news without following the news and in Native American Lands, 63% said so.

Instead, many people are looking to social media, where information is free and flows continuously. Overall, 47% said, “I learn more about what’s happening in my community on social media than through the news.” (Last year, 44% said so.) And once again, Aging Farmlands and Native American Lands stood out. They learned more from social media at rates of 59% and 63%, respectively.

People are also turning to trusted personal sources. Nationally, 35% said, “I rely on friends and family to tell me when important things happen in the community.” For Aging Farmlands and Native American Lands, it was well above that at 52% and 43%, respectively.

Avoiding the News Altogether

Perhaps most unsettling are the pluralities of people choosing to avoid the news for different reasons. Overall, 42% said, “I avoid the news because it is depressing.” (The national figure was the same last year.) Citing the news is depressing was highest in the LDS Enclaves at 50%.

In addition, 20% said, “I avoid the news because it does not really impact my life.” (It was 19% last year.) In Big Cities, 16% of respondents felt this way, whereas in sparsely populated Aging Farmland and Native American Lands, almost 30% did. As news deserts proliferate, news content seems less relevant to people living in smaller communities.

Vol. 3 2020-2021

Deaths of Despair Across America

The American Communities Project is undertaking a 30-month study of Deaths of Despair in its 15 community types.

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Law

Perception Gaps and Community Differences on Crime/Gun Violence

by Ari Pinkus December 08, 2025

A perception schism exists over the degree to which “crime or gun violence” is a major national problem, according to the newest ACP/Ipsos survey of 5,000 people conducted in the late summer.

Lately, media coverage of crime in America has been relentless, from mass shootings to politically targeted assassinations. A notion of out-of-control crime has been the Trump administration’s reason for deploying National Guard troops to Los Angeles and Washington, D.C., this past summer and its effort to expand deployments to other cities this fall.

However, crime/gun violence is not seen as a significant national problem among residents living in most areas of the U.S. The one exception is the African American South, where real crime numbers have been higher than many places. Just above one-quarter of residents (27%) rated crime/gun violence as a top-tier national issue in the ACP/Ipsos survey. The concerns and challenges seem different here.

Meanwhile, in urban-oriented communities, including Big Cities, Urban Suburbs, and College Towns, the percentages of residents who said crime/gun violence was a top national problem sat in the upper teens. The 11 other suburban and rural community types came in at 16% or less.

Nationwide, 16% said crime/gun violence was one of the top three problems facing the country, placing it sixth in the list of top concerns. Comparatively, 41% of respondents cited inflation, 27% said political extremism, 26% reported immigration, 23% said government or business corruption, and 18% said healthcare.

Crime as an Important Local Issue in Specific Places

At the local level, residents seemed attuned to what’s been happening on the ground where they live. Consider two community types, the African American South and Big Cities. In the rural African American South, 35% of residents considered crime or gun violence a top-three issue of concern facing their local community. (Crime/gun violence came in second behind inflation for the most concerning issue community-wide.) In Big Cities, 23% of residents said crime or gun violence was a top-three issue of concern in their local community. (In these places, the issue came in third behind inflation and homelessness/housing insecurity.)

Local concerns about crime were higher than national concerns in just three community types: the African American South, Big Cities, and Military Posts, as shown in the chart below.

In tracking the heinous crime of mass shootings, defined as four or more people shot or killed, not including the shooter, there were 381 shootings in 2025 through December 1, according to the Gun Violence Archive. Diverse Big Cities, home to more than 81 million people or 25% of the national population, and African American South communities, home to 13.1 million or 4% of the population, were hardest hit.

The American Communities Project’s analysis of the Gun Violence Archive data showed that African American South communities accounted for 16% of the nationwide number. In prominent African American South counties, eight mass shootings were recorded in Shelby County, Tennessee, containing Memphis; four in Orleans Parish, Louisiana, containing New Orleans; and three in Mobile County, Alabama.

Big Cities accounted for 45% of the nation’s mass shootings through December 1. Some Big City counties stood out. Eight mass shootings were recorded in Philadelphia County, Pennsylvania; 12 in Los Angeles County, California; and 24 in Cook County, Illinois, containing Chicago. These numbers were down from 2023. Notably, major cities, including these, have reported decreases in violent crime.

Change in Public Attitudes and Raw Numbers Since 2023

Since the ACP/Ipsos survey series began in the summer of 2023, crime/gun violence has dropped as a national concern. In 2023, 30% of respondents rated it as a top concern. According to the Gun Violence Archive, in 2023, there were 36,562 willful, malicious, or accidental injuries from gun violence nationwide, and 19,135 deaths considered willful, malicious, or accidental. That year, mass shootings nationwide hit 659, according to the GVA.

In 2024, 22% of ACP/Ipsos respondents ranked crime/gun violence as a top concern. On a nationwide level that year, there were 31,646 willful, malicious, or accidental injuries from gun violence, and 16,725 deaths considered willful, malicious, or accidental, according to the Gun Violence Archive. There were 503 mass shootings.

Declining Local Concern

Crime/gun violence has also dropped as a top local concern among residents across communities these past few years. The African American South was the exception.

  • In 2023, crime/gun violence was the No. 2 most important issue facing in different rural, urban, and suburban communities: the African American South, Big Cities, Urban Suburbs, and Middle Suburbs.
  • It was the No. 3 most important local issue for College Towns, Hispanic Centers, Military Posts, and Working Class Country.
  • Big Cities accounted for 40% of mass shootings, Urban Suburbs accounted for 15%, the African American South accounted for 15%, College Towns accounted for 8%, and all other suburban and rural types were below those percentages, based on the ACP’s analysis in November 2023.

In 2024, residents’ attitudes about crime at the community level looked markedly better. Notably, in mid-2022, the Bipartisan Safer Communities Act was implemented, considered the most substantial gun violence prevention law in nearly 30 years.

  • In 2024, crime/gun violence remained the No. 2 most important local issue in the African American South.
  • In Big Cities, it was the No. 3 most important issue.
  • All other community types placed crime/gun violence as less of a local issue of importance.
Vol. 3 2020-2021

Deaths of Despair Across America

The American Communities Project is undertaking a 30-month study of Deaths of Despair in its 15 community types.

Learn More